1212 Although the specific rates of oil and gas have not been made public, most energy consultants and analysts agree that China was able to obtain a highly attractive price and considerably less than the market price. This outcome is in stark contrast to similar institutions, such as the IMF or ADB. He was reacting against the global financial system dominated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the main regional development bank for the Asia‐Pacific. The policy will lead to diplomatic and possibly military conflict over these territories. Essentially, the reversal of its stance regarding the concerted effort to preserve the environment is a significant departure for China. It could happen to China, too (Powell, 2016; Samuelson, 2015). The outbreak of the First Opium War in 1839 provoked the slow demise of China's influence over East Asia, ultimately leading to the end of its regional hegemony. Gilpin opens the door to the possibility of a hegemon leading an international political‐economic order by, first, sheer imposition and domination (if need be by outright coercion) and, second, by gentle, persuasion, encouragement, and guidance (if need be via positive incentives and benevolent manipulation).
Deng's influential style became a tradition among successive Chinese presidents. Quite the opposite, China was in a strong financial position to buy up many technologically important companies and to support several Western states, such as Italy, Spain, and Greece, through the purchase and financial backing of their government bonds. At the end of the Chinese Revolution in 1949, the PRC and the Soviet Union became close allies. In the past few years, China underscored its interest in the North Pole via multiple channels, as Gushin (, I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of Use, Chinas Geostrategie in der Arktis [China's Geostrategy in the Arctic], China's ‘Belt and Road’ Plan in Pakistan Takes a Military Turn.
Green School of International and Public Affairs, Florida International University, Miami, Florida. As we know now, Germany's rise turned sour after Bismarck's retirement and Emperor Wilhelm took charge, and Great Britain naturally challenged it immediately. By attempting to impose its will on the rest of the world, China would behave similarly to the way previous coercive, revisionist great powers did in yesteryears. Naturally, the Netherlands had the necessary trade network and the ships and waterways to support it. These newer theories in the 1980s brought together realist and liberal assumptions and explanations to elucidate a rapidly developing and highly complex international political‐economic situation that proved extremely challenging for (and partly beyond) any of the leading International Relations theoretical approaches of the time: Realism and International Liberalism. Conversely and simultaneously, China's participation in peacekeeping operations and its global investments evince its benevolent hegemonic intentions, which are congruent with the argument of those who predict China's peaceful hegemonic ascent. In this sense, for example, Shambaugh (2016) argues in his China's Future for reforms of the Chinese party‐state to softer authoritarianism. Third, we examine the three heuristic hegemonic trajectories in practice and establish their differences. It is mainly the case with China who chooses to ignore U.S. sanctions against some rogue states such as Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Russia, and Venezuela.
Working off-campus? The next systemic change may very well result in the United States deciding to not sustain itself as a hegemonic power and allow for a bipolar system to arise.
China's idea and the successful founding of the AIIB met a mixed response in the media—ranging from finally living up to calls to be a responsible leading great power on the international stage to advancing its regional hegemonic interests in Asia. In this sense, it may even lack significant interest in the management of the international political system. However, in the early 2000s, Chinese policy advisor, Zheng Bijian, articulated and promoted the “Peaceful Rise” strategy. China, similarly, is getting there, though, it still profits much from U.S. naval protection of sea lanes of communication. or Ikenberry (1989, p. Germany had been defeated in World War I, ... emergence of a new hegemonic power after the end of World War II was a period of ‘absence hegemonic’ with no hegemonic power to control the international stability. Today, given the fact that Donald Trump won the presidential race and has close ties with Vladimir Putin, one can only question what is to happen next.
Ideologically speaking, China cannot be a benevolent hegemon, and militarily and politically speaking, it lacks the type of conventional power and reputation for exerting the kind of global influence necessary to manage the international state and market systems. We project that China's leadership will make sure to keep it that way. Accordingly, the study concludes that, although it is exceedingly difficult to predict with a high degree of certainty which way China will go in the future, Dutch‐style hegemony is the most plausible explanation of China's direction and role in the international system. This article attempted to decipher and explain China's rise and its future direction as a significant leader in the international system.
The latter are all instances of the trajectory consistent with the Dutch global, commercial hegemony (Table 1). Instead, as expounded above, the Dutch‐style (or “Third Way”) global hegemony appears to be a more likely trajectory.
The Theory of Hegemonic War. Registered in England & Wales No. ), for further reading on how different hegemonic styles may be perceived as “coercive” or “benevolent.”.
China continued to pursue through 2018 an aggressive strategy to expand and maintain a foothold in the South China Sea.
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